.......Aspiration of the B'laan in Mindanao.....
Mindanao economy continues to be highly agriculture and export oriented. Its contribution to the national income comes from timber, mineral products like gold, and nickel, aquatic resources and agribusiness like bananas and pineapples other are rice, corn, abaca, coconut, livestock, and rubber.
Tampakan , is a rich source of copper and gold. but it is also the ancestral lands of the B'laan people.
The vast tracts, mostly ancestral lands, attracted numerous investors engaged in mining, logging, and agribusiness. Various agreements- Timber license agreement, Industrial forest management agreement and Financial and Technical assistance agreement, a new form of mining contract-prohibited their entry into these investment areas. In addition, government development projects opened up the areas of the country through the fishing and livestock industries and the special free fort and economic zone.
Ninety percent of the total timber production comes from Mindanao. Meanwhile, the island also contribute 48% of gold resources, 63% of nickel stocks, 50% of aqua products, 65% of livestock, 62% of coconut, 67% of corn and 100% of banana, rubber and pineapple. Transnationals and big local business develop most of these and export them.
Particular of Mindanao is the existence of three types of people. The Lumad (indigenous people), the Filipinos (christian), and the Moros (Islamiced Lumad). Almost equally with the Filipino settlers as the more predominant.
The poverty level in Mindanao is very serious, here there are 14 out of the 20 poorest provinces in the country. A yard stick of the region's poverty is the departure of 2.4 million migrant workers to different parts of the world to work as domestic helpers. This figure continuous to increase annually. Regions predominantly occupied by the Lumads and Moros have relatively lower literacy rate compared to that of areas dominated by Filipino settlers.
The Lumad of Mindanao played host to 226 development generating projects that exploited all major resources of what the Lumads claim as their anscestral domain. More ancestral lands here opened up to local and foreign investors in logging and mining industries.
The B'laan are the largest tribe among the indigenous in Socsargen area. They are peace loving people whose dreams began to shatter when migration and encroachment of the people from the lowlands accelerated and dispossessed them from their ancestral lands.
ASPIRATION OF THE B'LAANS......
The B'laan people value their culture and their tradition. They want to nurture it and maintain it. They want to respect their right to do so. B'laan ancestral domain and cultural identity must be respected. The B'laan people want to live in peace in their communities. The land is the basis of B'laan political,economic, and cultural identity.
The B'laan people do not separate land from development. One of their greatest fears is that their land will be destroyed. The B'laan want to care for their land and be free from the things that threaten their land and their culture.
Ancestral Domain for B'laan people means the land and the resources found there. In land is life. And life includes their culture and spirit. Only the Dawata or God can claim ownership on it, while everybody collectively can only act as Steward. From this perspective, individual absolute ownership of land is inconceivable. Ancestral Domain for them is not only as question of land use. It implies the milleu of their cultural and spiritual life. Thus, to take this domain from them implies a serious deprivations of their life, a total erosion of their world of sacred.
The B'laan aspire to be recognized as the traditional occupiers of their domain which is supported by at least eight generations of continuous occupancy of the land.
Preservation of B'laan culture and heritage for future generations can only occur of the B'laan Ancestral Domain is recognized and supported...
Recognition of Ancestral Domain and the Right to Self-Determination are key aspirations.
......I love arts and poetry......Paintings are my favorite past time in my life.....And my writings are my reflection of my dreams and imagination.....Thanks for reading my blog......
Monday, March 28, 2011
Friday, March 25, 2011
....."THE B'LAAN TRIBE"......
......B'laan of Fulo Bato......
The B'laan who are one of the minority ethnic groups, currently comprise the third largest cultural minority living within the Island of Mindanao. The group of indigenous people who occupy territory in the Island of Mindanao, in the Republic of the Philippines.
The word B'laan means the counterpart to the T'bolis. In a particular period in history, there area with the former settling at the east side of the Sarangani Bay and at the west side. The T'boli's were said to have derived their name from the B'laan word to bali which means dwellers or people in the other side. Thus, the B'laan and T'bolis are counterpart.
The B'laan are geographically located approximately between longitude 124 degrees and 126 degrees east and about latitude 5 degrees and 8 degrees north.
The B'laan now number approximately 450,000 scattered all over Mindanao. In Municipality of Tampakan, the B'laan comprises 15% of the population estimated at 3,800 individuals. The majority live in the rugged highlands northeast of Tampakan.
The B'laan, the other indigenous and non indigenous groups, seek a secure future and wish to raise their standard of living which can only be achieved by increasing income/improving housing, educations and providing the means to insure a stable subsistence base through sustainable agriculture practices. The B'laan are proudly independent people, who values their cultural and traditions. Their unique heritage, gives the B'laan a firm foundation upon which to build a prosperous future. A severe economic base, will enable the B'laan to achieve their current and future goals and aspirations.
Fulo Bato, derives its name from Fulo Bato or Red Stone. It is identified with one of the oldest mythico-religious tradition among the B'laan, namely the story of creation. It is said, that one day, washed her red skirt (langanay folu) at the river and the water turned red leaving the reddish color or the stones.
The B'laan are further classified into two subgroups. To Lagad or highlanders and To Baba or lowlanders. The highlanders are based along the boundaries of Davao del Sur, South COtabato, and Sultan Kudarat provinces. While the lowlanders are primarily located in coastal areas of Sarangani. General Santos City, and parts of Davao del Sur in the municipality of Jose Abad Santos, Balut and Sarangani Islands. Almost all other B'laan major classifications are considered To Lagad.
The B'laans generally communicate through the B'laan dialect which is uniform among the To Lagad tribes and varies considerably from those of their counterparts along the coast. The dialect is classified three types by geographical setting of differing intonation and word usage. In contrast, the letter f is seldom found in the other Philippine dialects. Interestingly, a more solemn means of communication is the custom of chanting. Answer chants are natural to the B'laans.
Like most ethnic communities, the B'laans possess an ancient culture that distinguishes them from other groups. In view of the colonization process in the country, their uniqueness has been lost with their assimilation to Christian moros. Having been subjected to differing aspects of outside cultures, including tutelage under the Catholic Church and various Protestant denominations, the B'laans have been exacted to forge new identities and to evolve a system of values other than their own conservative tradition. When waves of settlers from Visayas and Luzon came to claim and clear the virgin lands of the B'laans, change was forced upon existing customs. The Kristianos, a word used by B'laans to refer to Christians and non-ethnic groups, brought new ways, new dialects, and new forms of living. There are, however, surviving time-honored beliefs that govern their day-to-day lives. Special characteristics predominate social structure, law and morality, trade and industries, science and art.
The B'laans are exceedingly timid and are of peaceable disposition and are the most industrious of all the interior they occupy. Their language is characterized by the possession of the letter"F". They are very intelligent and some who have been baptized, give food proof of the themselves. Their indigenous religion is a sort of demon (guardian spirit) worship and they are superstitious. Each family live in houses at least one-half mile from any other home. It was noted that the B'laans were the superior tribe because they were more cleanly, industrious and wealthy.
The B'laan groups, revealing their basic beliefs, customs, indigenous values, traditional socio-political structures and practices, the realities of present day situation, their struggle for existence, the elaborately designed clothes they wear, the simple food they eat, and how they care themselves of illness, and how they worship, and how they are gradually displaced from their Ancestral ethnic lands by the Kristianos, inspite of the constitutional guaranties protecting the rights of ethnic minorities.
The information about B'laan heritage, culture and tradition within Bong Banwu, the evidence presented is not complete records of the B'laan, in a manner to provide an insight into the B'laan world, which has not previously been made public.
Thanks to the B'laan people of Tampakan for their cooperation, the information have been undoubtedly difficult if not impossible.
The B'laan who are one of the minority ethnic groups, currently comprise the third largest cultural minority living within the Island of Mindanao. The group of indigenous people who occupy territory in the Island of Mindanao, in the Republic of the Philippines.
The word B'laan means the counterpart to the T'bolis. In a particular period in history, there area with the former settling at the east side of the Sarangani Bay and at the west side. The T'boli's were said to have derived their name from the B'laan word to bali which means dwellers or people in the other side. Thus, the B'laan and T'bolis are counterpart.
The B'laan are geographically located approximately between longitude 124 degrees and 126 degrees east and about latitude 5 degrees and 8 degrees north.
The B'laan now number approximately 450,000 scattered all over Mindanao. In Municipality of Tampakan, the B'laan comprises 15% of the population estimated at 3,800 individuals. The majority live in the rugged highlands northeast of Tampakan.
The B'laan, the other indigenous and non indigenous groups, seek a secure future and wish to raise their standard of living which can only be achieved by increasing income/improving housing, educations and providing the means to insure a stable subsistence base through sustainable agriculture practices. The B'laan are proudly independent people, who values their cultural and traditions. Their unique heritage, gives the B'laan a firm foundation upon which to build a prosperous future. A severe economic base, will enable the B'laan to achieve their current and future goals and aspirations.
Fulo Bato, derives its name from Fulo Bato or Red Stone. It is identified with one of the oldest mythico-religious tradition among the B'laan, namely the story of creation. It is said, that one day, washed her red skirt (langanay folu) at the river and the water turned red leaving the reddish color or the stones.
The B'laan are further classified into two subgroups. To Lagad or highlanders and To Baba or lowlanders. The highlanders are based along the boundaries of Davao del Sur, South COtabato, and Sultan Kudarat provinces. While the lowlanders are primarily located in coastal areas of Sarangani. General Santos City, and parts of Davao del Sur in the municipality of Jose Abad Santos, Balut and Sarangani Islands. Almost all other B'laan major classifications are considered To Lagad.
The B'laans generally communicate through the B'laan dialect which is uniform among the To Lagad tribes and varies considerably from those of their counterparts along the coast. The dialect is classified three types by geographical setting of differing intonation and word usage. In contrast, the letter f is seldom found in the other Philippine dialects. Interestingly, a more solemn means of communication is the custom of chanting. Answer chants are natural to the B'laans.
Like most ethnic communities, the B'laans possess an ancient culture that distinguishes them from other groups. In view of the colonization process in the country, their uniqueness has been lost with their assimilation to Christian moros. Having been subjected to differing aspects of outside cultures, including tutelage under the Catholic Church and various Protestant denominations, the B'laans have been exacted to forge new identities and to evolve a system of values other than their own conservative tradition. When waves of settlers from Visayas and Luzon came to claim and clear the virgin lands of the B'laans, change was forced upon existing customs. The Kristianos, a word used by B'laans to refer to Christians and non-ethnic groups, brought new ways, new dialects, and new forms of living. There are, however, surviving time-honored beliefs that govern their day-to-day lives. Special characteristics predominate social structure, law and morality, trade and industries, science and art.
The B'laans are exceedingly timid and are of peaceable disposition and are the most industrious of all the interior they occupy. Their language is characterized by the possession of the letter"F". They are very intelligent and some who have been baptized, give food proof of the themselves. Their indigenous religion is a sort of demon (guardian spirit) worship and they are superstitious. Each family live in houses at least one-half mile from any other home. It was noted that the B'laans were the superior tribe because they were more cleanly, industrious and wealthy.
The B'laan groups, revealing their basic beliefs, customs, indigenous values, traditional socio-political structures and practices, the realities of present day situation, their struggle for existence, the elaborately designed clothes they wear, the simple food they eat, and how they care themselves of illness, and how they worship, and how they are gradually displaced from their Ancestral ethnic lands by the Kristianos, inspite of the constitutional guaranties protecting the rights of ethnic minorities.
The information about B'laan heritage, culture and tradition within Bong Banwu, the evidence presented is not complete records of the B'laan, in a manner to provide an insight into the B'laan world, which has not previously been made public.
Thanks to the B'laan people of Tampakan for their cooperation, the information have been undoubtedly difficult if not impossible.
....." HISTORY OF B'LAAN "......
.... History of B'laan.....
The origin of the B'laan is obscured by the mist of antiquity. Though a people of rich traditional, almost nothing is known about them in view of the absence of ancient records. The B'laans belong to the second group of people who migrated to the Islands between 12,000 and 15,000 years ago. According to the B'laan folk tale told by Fulong, the early B'laans arrived the country next to the To Bali or tiny people. Historians have identified these tiny people as pygmies or negritos (little black) who said to have arrived in the Philippines about 25,000 years ago across the land bridge that was connected the archipelago with mainland Asia. It appears that the B'laans were very much ahead of the Indonesians by almost 10,000 years and cannot logically belongs to the Indonesian type A.
The term B'laan, refers to a socio-linguistic group, on the Island of Mindanao, with covers coastal, lowland and highland groups from approximately as far North of Mt. Buluan, to as far South as the Sarangani Peninsula. Both the coastal, lowland and highland distinctions are based in geographical and ecological considerations as will as historical contact with other groups. The coastal and lowland B'laan groups tend to display a much more heterogeneous composition that the more homogeneous highland groups. As such the coastal and lowland groups in the highland are which display a strong sense of culture identity, as will as, more traditional B'laan practice.
HISTORY OF B'LAAN ASSOCIATED TO THE LAND....
The people come from the land, without the land, there would be no people. The land, comes from the people for without the people, there would be no cultivated land. This is because land to the tribal is as a partner in life-not as commodity, not as a property that is owned and which may be bartered or sold. For centuries, the tribal people have been able to do just this quite successfully, maintaining ecological balance within their territory maintaining harmony with their environment. The traditional kaingin system of farming practiced by the majority of tribal Filipino has kept the soil fertile and has given flora and fauna, time regenerate land, life and power. The Fulo Bato B'laan consider themselves as one of the highland B'laan groups. According to highland B'laan traditional relief and custom, the spiritual entities, who inhabit the earth and the sky, are the true owners of the land for B'laan.
B'laan says, " that, the B'laan are like the banana, before a generation dies, new roots appear and grow. They grow up and always grow into bananas. They never grow into papaya. In the same way, each new generation of B'laan grow up with the same responsibilities, the previous generation, the same they never change".
B'laan relationship are characterized by the interdependence, while each village has property rights over territorial lands, individuals can take as much land as needed provided that this is not in use at the time when a field is abandoned, the ownership revert to the community or (Banwu) personal property applies to products of own labor and still, house, furnishing, weapons, tools, and land crops.
Many B'laan are very upset about the loss of the traditional lands to non-B'laan groups. Some B'laans believe that the purchase of land is only practical method of obtaining their land from the non- B'laan group, who currently occupy it.
B'LAAN LANGUAGE:
" Ani sen aye tana go. La ti fan don ko agtagak go di gamo. Ani sen aye go sol. Benwu fan go tayok di gamo"....
ENGLISH LANGUAGE:
"This is my traditional land. I don't want to leave this land. This is my homeland that I will leave to go".
The B'laan people have been struggling for the recognition of their Ancestral Domain. The issue goes beyond simply a question of land use. The manner by which the B'laan people relate to their land resources deeply inter-wines with the customs, culture and political practices. Thus, it is an issue of a people life in its totality, and their struggle is an expression of their self-determination to carve their own destiny as a distinct people.
The B'laan people have the right to maintain the distinctive spiritual relationship with their land, water and resources. They have the right to own and develop these. Their environment and their culture and intellectual property must be protected. The B'laan people have the right to control the development of their land.
Government shall assist the B'laan people to preserve and protect their sacred sites. The B'laan people have the right to their own language and government hall ensure that the B'laan people can understand and he understand through interpretations and other appropriate ways in legal and other proceedings.
The B'laan people value their culture and their tradition. They want to nurture it and maintain it. They want others to respect their right to do so. B'laan ancestral domain (tabi tana) and culture identity must be respected.
BONG BANWU....is a big community. It is not only a community of people, but also includes their alnigo or clearing, gumlok or the hunting ground, bolol or the mountains, e-el or the rivers, ritual sites and other geographic and human features, such as burial grounds. This domain is defined by territorial boundaries.
In the past, the term Bong Banwu was used by the highland B'laan to refer to a very large village and its accompanying and/ or surrounding land. One village was conceptualized by the B'laan as the residence of one man's family. The name of the family's most senior male was often used to refer to the village and its surrounding area. The locality in which the residence of the Bong Fulong is located is usually indicated by a higher population density.
The origin of the B'laan is obscured by the mist of antiquity. Though a people of rich traditional, almost nothing is known about them in view of the absence of ancient records. The B'laans belong to the second group of people who migrated to the Islands between 12,000 and 15,000 years ago. According to the B'laan folk tale told by Fulong, the early B'laans arrived the country next to the To Bali or tiny people. Historians have identified these tiny people as pygmies or negritos (little black) who said to have arrived in the Philippines about 25,000 years ago across the land bridge that was connected the archipelago with mainland Asia. It appears that the B'laans were very much ahead of the Indonesians by almost 10,000 years and cannot logically belongs to the Indonesian type A.
The term B'laan, refers to a socio-linguistic group, on the Island of Mindanao, with covers coastal, lowland and highland groups from approximately as far North of Mt. Buluan, to as far South as the Sarangani Peninsula. Both the coastal, lowland and highland distinctions are based in geographical and ecological considerations as will as historical contact with other groups. The coastal and lowland B'laan groups tend to display a much more heterogeneous composition that the more homogeneous highland groups. As such the coastal and lowland groups in the highland are which display a strong sense of culture identity, as will as, more traditional B'laan practice.
HISTORY OF B'LAAN ASSOCIATED TO THE LAND....
The people come from the land, without the land, there would be no people. The land, comes from the people for without the people, there would be no cultivated land. This is because land to the tribal is as a partner in life-not as commodity, not as a property that is owned and which may be bartered or sold. For centuries, the tribal people have been able to do just this quite successfully, maintaining ecological balance within their territory maintaining harmony with their environment. The traditional kaingin system of farming practiced by the majority of tribal Filipino has kept the soil fertile and has given flora and fauna, time regenerate land, life and power. The Fulo Bato B'laan consider themselves as one of the highland B'laan groups. According to highland B'laan traditional relief and custom, the spiritual entities, who inhabit the earth and the sky, are the true owners of the land for B'laan.
B'laan says, " that, the B'laan are like the banana, before a generation dies, new roots appear and grow. They grow up and always grow into bananas. They never grow into papaya. In the same way, each new generation of B'laan grow up with the same responsibilities, the previous generation, the same they never change".
B'laan relationship are characterized by the interdependence, while each village has property rights over territorial lands, individuals can take as much land as needed provided that this is not in use at the time when a field is abandoned, the ownership revert to the community or (Banwu) personal property applies to products of own labor and still, house, furnishing, weapons, tools, and land crops.
Many B'laan are very upset about the loss of the traditional lands to non-B'laan groups. Some B'laans believe that the purchase of land is only practical method of obtaining their land from the non- B'laan group, who currently occupy it.
B'LAAN LANGUAGE:
" Ani sen aye tana go. La ti fan don ko agtagak go di gamo. Ani sen aye go sol. Benwu fan go tayok di gamo"....
ENGLISH LANGUAGE:
"This is my traditional land. I don't want to leave this land. This is my homeland that I will leave to go".
The B'laan people have been struggling for the recognition of their Ancestral Domain. The issue goes beyond simply a question of land use. The manner by which the B'laan people relate to their land resources deeply inter-wines with the customs, culture and political practices. Thus, it is an issue of a people life in its totality, and their struggle is an expression of their self-determination to carve their own destiny as a distinct people.
The B'laan people have the right to maintain the distinctive spiritual relationship with their land, water and resources. They have the right to own and develop these. Their environment and their culture and intellectual property must be protected. The B'laan people have the right to control the development of their land.
Government shall assist the B'laan people to preserve and protect their sacred sites. The B'laan people have the right to their own language and government hall ensure that the B'laan people can understand and he understand through interpretations and other appropriate ways in legal and other proceedings.
The B'laan people value their culture and their tradition. They want to nurture it and maintain it. They want others to respect their right to do so. B'laan ancestral domain (tabi tana) and culture identity must be respected.
BONG BANWU....is a big community. It is not only a community of people, but also includes their alnigo or clearing, gumlok or the hunting ground, bolol or the mountains, e-el or the rivers, ritual sites and other geographic and human features, such as burial grounds. This domain is defined by territorial boundaries.
In the past, the term Bong Banwu was used by the highland B'laan to refer to a very large village and its accompanying and/ or surrounding land. One village was conceptualized by the B'laan as the residence of one man's family. The name of the family's most senior male was often used to refer to the village and its surrounding area. The locality in which the residence of the Bong Fulong is located is usually indicated by a higher population density.
Thursday, March 24, 2011
......"LEASDERSHIP OF B'LAAN".......
......Leadership of Men Bong Fulong, Datu and Female Fulong.....
The B'laan community (Banwu) was ruled by Datu or village chieftain known as Fulong meaning the wise man. A Fulong is the oldest and wise man in the village with a considerable amount of wealth in the form of gold, slaves, and the cultural materials. The ruler-ship is non-formal, recognizing the Fulong in the course of time by the will of the people without a formal selection process or appointment. To the B'laan, wisdom is a gift from Dawata or God, the person such endowed becomes the sole heir to ruler-ship. In some instance, a person become a Fulong by virtue of physical superiority in being a champion warrior.
A B'laan Fulong does not require his people to pay tribute to him. However, by virtue of love, and respect, the people give him gifts or offering. A wealthy Fulong could have as many wives as he could support, either by captive or by means of purchase. The Fulong is looked upon as the leader, protector, mediator, and solution giver.
A Fulong, according to B'laan custom and tradition, must display exceptional leadership qualities. He must be fair, decisive and firm particularly in selections involving dispute resolution. The Fulong is knowledgeable in distinguishing between good and evil. The term implies that he is skillful in resolving conflict and wise in his decisions. The Bong Fulong must always be treated with the utmost respect.
Bong Fulong says:
B'LAAN LANGUAGE.....
"Do, Willy Gulaya, Fulong di Folu Bato Bong Banwu, ta mayun atnaga do klawil agtabang go mani magkut klawil dad B'laan deni di Folu Bato. Do na tale gi aglomfak da-u kalnibog bilang sato maba, na samkla dini di lam gani akto-o. Sato kof dalan aksun go do dadto na fan di fan di fat mi aye gami dad B'laan arat na dad gani akrom. Gami dad B'laan lo satu bong di dad kati dad Filipino di kabanwa na gami amni tabong".
ENGLISH LANGUAGE.....
"I Willy Gulaya, TribaL Chieftain of Fulo Bato Bong Banwu, have spent almost half of my life dedicated to uplifting the lives of the B'laan in Folu Bato. He had also encountered several within my community which should not be allowed to treated our indigenous rights. One way of protecting his people is to secure our lives, family and ancestral land. CADC can help us protect our B'laan culture and traditions. We B'laan are just a small group among the millions of Filipinos in the country and we are need support".
The words have come from B'laan people and reflect some of our knowledge of our culture and tradition associated with our land.
Fulong and especially Bong Fulong, are considered to be wealthy individuals within highland B'laan society, who often own numerous horses, caribaw and brass gongs. As custodian of the land, a Fulong or Bong Fulong is able to extend his sphere of influence by negotiating on behalf of those who use the land, on land related issues. The wealth of a Fulong or Bong Fulong is based primarily on material goods. Gongs, in particular, are among the most highly prized items of materiaol culture owned by a Fulong or Bong Fulong. A traditional leader is unlikely to possess a great deal of cash money. However, most Fulongs or Bong Fulongs do possess several, finely crafted, brass gongs. Inspite of their wealth, Fulongs still engage in agricultural activities. This factor may be contrasted with the role of Datu, who are never seen to personally engage in agricultural activities or labor of any kind.
The authority, position, responsibility and status of the Fulong is inherited particularly usually from father to eldest son. However, in situations where the eldest son lacks the acquired personal attribute, the Fulong might decide to overlook his first born son and choose one of his other sons to inherit the title Fulong. If the eldest son of a Fulong possess the necessary personal attributes for this position, he is expected, by his family and the community in general, to accept the hereditary title. However, if the eldest son does not wish to become Fulong, he may refuse the position. If this occurs, the hereditary title and position of Fulong will pass to the next eldest son, provided that he too possess the required personal attributes of the role. In reference to the inheritance of the title and position of Fulong.
The key role of the Bong Fulong is the settlement of conflicts. It is a vital part of his obligation of Bong Fulong to provide the necessary material goods and/ or money required for settlement of conflicts.
The formal tribal council as a first in B'laan history. It was established with the assistance and the accreditation of the office of Southern Cultural Commission. The Fulo Bato tribal council was formally organized by election. B'laan tribal affairs are presently handled by the Fulo Bato B'laan tribal council, and only accredited by office of Southern Cultural Commission.
DATU LEADERSHIP...
The title and role of Datu derives from Islamic origin. In the highland region of Mindanao,the term Datu is often used when referring to very wealthy man, who rarely, if ever engage in any form of physical labor, such as agricultural activities. Datus, are often well respected man, who occupy position of leadership and authority within their village or region. Amongst the highland B'laan, however, a distinction is maintained between the role of the Datu and that of the Fulong or Bong Fulong, who is considered to be the traditional B'laan leader and authority figure. Both the Datu and the Fulong or Bong Fulong are considered to be very wealthy individuals within highland B'laan society. Datus and Fulongs/ Bong Fulongs usually possess numerous wives and control enough wealth in order to effectively settle dispute.
Most Datus usually have plenty of property or material goods (kalyak), such as horses (kora). calibaw, gongs (falimak), traditional jewelry, such as heirloom necklaces (kamagi). The wife of the Dtu is called Bai, meaning that she has plenty of necklaces or kolintas ,leglets (tlayong, kaling-kaling, singkil). A Datu often wears slo-an colorful rings made from nito. A colorful local vine wound into a continuous spiral worn on the legs. A wealthy Datu could have as many wives as he could secure, wither by capture or purchase. Each Datu is the autonomous chief over an areas as far as his personal influence will reach, having authority to conscript labour for conducting negotiations with other Datus. On his death he is succeeded by the eldest son of his first wife, with the approval of the elders.
FEMALE LEADERSHIP....
A woman's role as leader and custodian of her father's territory is acknowledged by the other B'laan. Upon the death of the female leader, traditional authority, control, and responsibility would follow the woman's part. The eldest son of the female leader, provided that hr possessed the necessary personal, attributes, would inherit his grand father's (mother's father) title, duties and responsibilities of the Fulong. In this manner, inheritance can pass briefly through the female (metrilineal) line until it is once again assumed by the male (patrilineal) line in the succession generation.
B'laan women plays a large part on subsistence activities, particularly in respect to agriculture practices. Agricultural practices among the highland B'laans. B'laan are dependent upon female labor. B'laan women are largely responsible for kamlo (clearing the field), amla (planting) and muko (harvesting). A B'laan man who possesses numerous wives is greatly advantaged in terms of agricultural labor and productions. In some instances, a man with multiple wives might delegate nearly all of the agricultural activities to his wives.
Women are now able to attain very important and influential position on the tribal council. This includes the role of Tribal Council Chairman itself.
The B'laan community (Banwu) was ruled by Datu or village chieftain known as Fulong meaning the wise man. A Fulong is the oldest and wise man in the village with a considerable amount of wealth in the form of gold, slaves, and the cultural materials. The ruler-ship is non-formal, recognizing the Fulong in the course of time by the will of the people without a formal selection process or appointment. To the B'laan, wisdom is a gift from Dawata or God, the person such endowed becomes the sole heir to ruler-ship. In some instance, a person become a Fulong by virtue of physical superiority in being a champion warrior.
A B'laan Fulong does not require his people to pay tribute to him. However, by virtue of love, and respect, the people give him gifts or offering. A wealthy Fulong could have as many wives as he could support, either by captive or by means of purchase. The Fulong is looked upon as the leader, protector, mediator, and solution giver.
A Fulong, according to B'laan custom and tradition, must display exceptional leadership qualities. He must be fair, decisive and firm particularly in selections involving dispute resolution. The Fulong is knowledgeable in distinguishing between good and evil. The term implies that he is skillful in resolving conflict and wise in his decisions. The Bong Fulong must always be treated with the utmost respect.
Bong Fulong says:
B'LAAN LANGUAGE.....
"Do, Willy Gulaya, Fulong di Folu Bato Bong Banwu, ta mayun atnaga do klawil agtabang go mani magkut klawil dad B'laan deni di Folu Bato. Do na tale gi aglomfak da-u kalnibog bilang sato maba, na samkla dini di lam gani akto-o. Sato kof dalan aksun go do dadto na fan di fan di fat mi aye gami dad B'laan arat na dad gani akrom. Gami dad B'laan lo satu bong di dad kati dad Filipino di kabanwa na gami amni tabong".
ENGLISH LANGUAGE.....
"I Willy Gulaya, TribaL Chieftain of Fulo Bato Bong Banwu, have spent almost half of my life dedicated to uplifting the lives of the B'laan in Folu Bato. He had also encountered several within my community which should not be allowed to treated our indigenous rights. One way of protecting his people is to secure our lives, family and ancestral land. CADC can help us protect our B'laan culture and traditions. We B'laan are just a small group among the millions of Filipinos in the country and we are need support".
The words have come from B'laan people and reflect some of our knowledge of our culture and tradition associated with our land.
Fulong and especially Bong Fulong, are considered to be wealthy individuals within highland B'laan society, who often own numerous horses, caribaw and brass gongs. As custodian of the land, a Fulong or Bong Fulong is able to extend his sphere of influence by negotiating on behalf of those who use the land, on land related issues. The wealth of a Fulong or Bong Fulong is based primarily on material goods. Gongs, in particular, are among the most highly prized items of materiaol culture owned by a Fulong or Bong Fulong. A traditional leader is unlikely to possess a great deal of cash money. However, most Fulongs or Bong Fulongs do possess several, finely crafted, brass gongs. Inspite of their wealth, Fulongs still engage in agricultural activities. This factor may be contrasted with the role of Datu, who are never seen to personally engage in agricultural activities or labor of any kind.
The authority, position, responsibility and status of the Fulong is inherited particularly usually from father to eldest son. However, in situations where the eldest son lacks the acquired personal attribute, the Fulong might decide to overlook his first born son and choose one of his other sons to inherit the title Fulong. If the eldest son of a Fulong possess the necessary personal attributes for this position, he is expected, by his family and the community in general, to accept the hereditary title. However, if the eldest son does not wish to become Fulong, he may refuse the position. If this occurs, the hereditary title and position of Fulong will pass to the next eldest son, provided that he too possess the required personal attributes of the role. In reference to the inheritance of the title and position of Fulong.
The key role of the Bong Fulong is the settlement of conflicts. It is a vital part of his obligation of Bong Fulong to provide the necessary material goods and/ or money required for settlement of conflicts.
The formal tribal council as a first in B'laan history. It was established with the assistance and the accreditation of the office of Southern Cultural Commission. The Fulo Bato tribal council was formally organized by election. B'laan tribal affairs are presently handled by the Fulo Bato B'laan tribal council, and only accredited by office of Southern Cultural Commission.
DATU LEADERSHIP...
The title and role of Datu derives from Islamic origin. In the highland region of Mindanao,the term Datu is often used when referring to very wealthy man, who rarely, if ever engage in any form of physical labor, such as agricultural activities. Datus, are often well respected man, who occupy position of leadership and authority within their village or region. Amongst the highland B'laan, however, a distinction is maintained between the role of the Datu and that of the Fulong or Bong Fulong, who is considered to be the traditional B'laan leader and authority figure. Both the Datu and the Fulong or Bong Fulong are considered to be very wealthy individuals within highland B'laan society. Datus and Fulongs/ Bong Fulongs usually possess numerous wives and control enough wealth in order to effectively settle dispute.
Most Datus usually have plenty of property or material goods (kalyak), such as horses (kora). calibaw, gongs (falimak), traditional jewelry, such as heirloom necklaces (kamagi). The wife of the Dtu is called Bai, meaning that she has plenty of necklaces or kolintas ,leglets (tlayong, kaling-kaling, singkil). A Datu often wears slo-an colorful rings made from nito. A colorful local vine wound into a continuous spiral worn on the legs. A wealthy Datu could have as many wives as he could secure, wither by capture or purchase. Each Datu is the autonomous chief over an areas as far as his personal influence will reach, having authority to conscript labour for conducting negotiations with other Datus. On his death he is succeeded by the eldest son of his first wife, with the approval of the elders.
FEMALE LEADERSHIP....
A woman's role as leader and custodian of her father's territory is acknowledged by the other B'laan. Upon the death of the female leader, traditional authority, control, and responsibility would follow the woman's part. The eldest son of the female leader, provided that hr possessed the necessary personal, attributes, would inherit his grand father's (mother's father) title, duties and responsibilities of the Fulong. In this manner, inheritance can pass briefly through the female (metrilineal) line until it is once again assumed by the male (patrilineal) line in the succession generation.
B'laan women plays a large part on subsistence activities, particularly in respect to agriculture practices. Agricultural practices among the highland B'laans. B'laan are dependent upon female labor. B'laan women are largely responsible for kamlo (clearing the field), amla (planting) and muko (harvesting). A B'laan man who possesses numerous wives is greatly advantaged in terms of agricultural labor and productions. In some instances, a man with multiple wives might delegate nearly all of the agricultural activities to his wives.
Women are now able to attain very important and influential position on the tribal council. This includes the role of Tribal Council Chairman itself.
Wednesday, March 23, 2011
....."TRADITIONAL B'LAAN MARRIAGE".....
.....Traditional B'laan Marriage.....
B'laan marriage still occur polygamous marriage, where man is permitted to marry more than four women, are permitted and are even condoned among the B'laan. A man's status and position within B'laan society often increases with the acquisition of additional wives. In reference to the traditional marriage practice among the B'laan.
The search for a marriage partner, the parents of their groom look for a prospective bride. There is no clear age range for their search. Sometimes unborn children may be the subject of a marriage proposal. fulfillment depending on the unborn child being female. The transaction becomes automatically nullified of the newborn child is a male similarly marriage arrangement may be proposed between two as yet unborn partners contingent upon them being of the appropriate sexes.
When boy or girl is about three years old the presents male arrangements with the parents of the prospective mate for a marriage to be consummated when the children reach the age of twelve to fourteen. The parents discuss the matter night and day for about a week and when the parents of the girl can no longer find any reason for not consenting to give her in marriage, the headman declares that the boy has won the hand of the girl and that when they arrive at the proper age they will be married.
The tanda or betrothing, the start of giving of the sunggod or bride price. While the children are still small, the slolol-aban or the exchange of komot or garment which symbolizes the notification of the two children, would take place. As soon as the children have grown the second stage of the marriage arrangement, which is referred to as alminti, commences. At the point, the amount of the desired sunggod would be revealed. The exchange of goods might also begin.
SADYANDI AND MARRIAGE...
It is interesting to note that the sunggod can be lessened between families and/or man who are involved in a sadyandi relationship. The result is a sadyandi between two families and /or men is to create a relationship of peace and brotherhood. The sadyandi are described as system of conflict resolutions, since the intended result is to resolve situations of conflict, which might currently exist, or to prevent a conflict situation of one was forever. The ultimate goal of the sadyandi is to create and/ or maintain fraternal relation. A sadyandi is very strong or binding agreement between two or more parties in which a rite or ceremony is performed in order to publicly seal the agreement. The blood compact or falow litu is a type of sadyanti which evolves the letting of blood between the parties who have entered into the agreement.
During the formal marriage ceremony, the bride often wears a tabi or kumot or blanket and a comb or swat. The groom wraps a head piece or tubaw on his head, hangs a long knife or a fa-is on his waist, wears trousers made of blanket or tabi or tinalak and hang a komot on his shoulders.
A B'laan man is permitted to marry a second, third, fourth, etc., time only if he is wealthy enough to pay the bride wealth/ price to the brides family and support his new wife in satisfactory manner.
Polygamy is a common practice among the B'laan. A man can have as many wives as he can afford, provided he pays the dowry or sunggod bride price/ wealth to the father of the girl who/he wishes to marry. A man, however, is barred from marrying another woman until the first wife has born him a child.
The family is the basic unit of the B;laan society that comprises adult of both sexes and one or more children, either natural or adopted.
The first wife is considered superior to the other. In B'laan society, the woman is considered inferior to the man and doe not have much say in family and community affairs once married, the husband is almost her slave master. The B'laan husband has a dislike for household chores. The typical B'laan wife waits upon the husband. The woman works the field and is responsible for the entire household including food gathering for needs. She is expected to work hard for the dowry given by the man to her father. Both husband and wife, however, equally carry the burden of child rearing. The welfare of the children is usually paramount above the needs of man and woman.
The B'laan children were fortunate to have finished a college education through scholarship grants. However, few comes back to help their villages for reasons of alienation, lack of economic prospects or shame of their roots. An intensely felt feeling of cultural inferiority causes young B'laans to leave their village and work elsewhere. A number have returned home only to take advantage of the less educated B'laans who took up to them as professionals. Even with education, the B'laans are naive in the use of power to improve their lot. Educated B'laan tend to exploit lower class B'laans and some extent, have allowed themselves to be prostituted and corrupted by Kristian's.
B'laan marriage still occur polygamous marriage, where man is permitted to marry more than four women, are permitted and are even condoned among the B'laan. A man's status and position within B'laan society often increases with the acquisition of additional wives. In reference to the traditional marriage practice among the B'laan.
The search for a marriage partner, the parents of their groom look for a prospective bride. There is no clear age range for their search. Sometimes unborn children may be the subject of a marriage proposal. fulfillment depending on the unborn child being female. The transaction becomes automatically nullified of the newborn child is a male similarly marriage arrangement may be proposed between two as yet unborn partners contingent upon them being of the appropriate sexes.
When boy or girl is about three years old the presents male arrangements with the parents of the prospective mate for a marriage to be consummated when the children reach the age of twelve to fourteen. The parents discuss the matter night and day for about a week and when the parents of the girl can no longer find any reason for not consenting to give her in marriage, the headman declares that the boy has won the hand of the girl and that when they arrive at the proper age they will be married.
The tanda or betrothing, the start of giving of the sunggod or bride price. While the children are still small, the slolol-aban or the exchange of komot or garment which symbolizes the notification of the two children, would take place. As soon as the children have grown the second stage of the marriage arrangement, which is referred to as alminti, commences. At the point, the amount of the desired sunggod would be revealed. The exchange of goods might also begin.
SADYANDI AND MARRIAGE...
It is interesting to note that the sunggod can be lessened between families and/or man who are involved in a sadyandi relationship. The result is a sadyandi between two families and /or men is to create a relationship of peace and brotherhood. The sadyandi are described as system of conflict resolutions, since the intended result is to resolve situations of conflict, which might currently exist, or to prevent a conflict situation of one was forever. The ultimate goal of the sadyandi is to create and/ or maintain fraternal relation. A sadyandi is very strong or binding agreement between two or more parties in which a rite or ceremony is performed in order to publicly seal the agreement. The blood compact or falow litu is a type of sadyanti which evolves the letting of blood between the parties who have entered into the agreement.
During the formal marriage ceremony, the bride often wears a tabi or kumot or blanket and a comb or swat. The groom wraps a head piece or tubaw on his head, hangs a long knife or a fa-is on his waist, wears trousers made of blanket or tabi or tinalak and hang a komot on his shoulders.
A B'laan man is permitted to marry a second, third, fourth, etc., time only if he is wealthy enough to pay the bride wealth/ price to the brides family and support his new wife in satisfactory manner.
Polygamy is a common practice among the B'laan. A man can have as many wives as he can afford, provided he pays the dowry or sunggod bride price/ wealth to the father of the girl who/he wishes to marry. A man, however, is barred from marrying another woman until the first wife has born him a child.
The family is the basic unit of the B;laan society that comprises adult of both sexes and one or more children, either natural or adopted.
The first wife is considered superior to the other. In B'laan society, the woman is considered inferior to the man and doe not have much say in family and community affairs once married, the husband is almost her slave master. The B'laan husband has a dislike for household chores. The typical B'laan wife waits upon the husband. The woman works the field and is responsible for the entire household including food gathering for needs. She is expected to work hard for the dowry given by the man to her father. Both husband and wife, however, equally carry the burden of child rearing. The welfare of the children is usually paramount above the needs of man and woman.
The B'laan children were fortunate to have finished a college education through scholarship grants. However, few comes back to help their villages for reasons of alienation, lack of economic prospects or shame of their roots. An intensely felt feeling of cultural inferiority causes young B'laans to leave their village and work elsewhere. A number have returned home only to take advantage of the less educated B'laans who took up to them as professionals. Even with education, the B'laans are naive in the use of power to improve their lot. Educated B'laan tend to exploit lower class B'laans and some extent, have allowed themselves to be prostituted and corrupted by Kristian's.
....."B'LAAN SUNGGOD OR DOWRY".....
......Sunggod or Dowry- Bride Price/Wealth......
Sunggod or dowry is a bride price or bride wealth refers to money and or goods that are paid by the potential/ future groom/ husband and or the groom's family to the potential/ future bride/wife and or the wife's family.
In B'laan society, the future groom pays father of his future wife a specified amount. This amount consists of two necklaces (kamagi)or horse (kora) and carabao (calibew).
The monetary value of one horse in 10,000 pesos. The future groom pays also the father of his future wife on brass
gongs (falimak). It is part of B'laan (adet) customary law to envolve relatives in securing of dowry (songgod).
Some B'laan claimed that in times of economic difficulties
they would mortgage (sanla) their lands at for the dowry (songgod). Since they could not redeem the mortgage, they would
normally lose their lands by default. KASPALA was transacted purely in the basis of exchange of material goods. But with money
they also learned to mortgage (sanla) and sell their lands.
The selling of land did not happen immediately. At first,
they mortgaged their (kalyak) material goods they mortgage
their carabao and horse. Then when their carabao and horse
were gone, they dispensed of their land, either through mortgage or sale. Economic difficulties were the predominant motive for material goods or animal/ land disposition. Economic
difficulties arose, as previously noted, when money was required for the payment of dowry.
It was noted that land was occasionally acquired through marriage. In this instance, however, land has been lost through or an account of the payment of dowry or( songgod) bride price/wealth in marriage negotiation.
DISPUTE SETTLEMENT/ RESOLUTION-(Kaspala)...
The term KASPALA can be used to refer to a traditional meeting of B'laan elders, a gift exchange ceremony and finally dispute settlement/ resolution. The term Kaspala in the B'laan language seems to have a three fold meaning, depending upon the context in which it is used. The three meaning, however, all seems to be combined within the process known as dispute settlement or dispute resolution. The term also implied a type of friendship or brotherhood pact, formed through the process of and as a result of dispute settlement/ resolution.
Dispute arising between two individuals, usually males, are brought before the traditional leader, either the Fulong or Bong Fulong. After hearing the details of the dispute, the traditional leader will usually decide upon some form of compensation, which is to be paid or given in the form of gifts to the aggrieved party. An example of gifts, which not only serves as compensation but symbolizes the renewed good will between the parties involved in the dispute, usually takes place. The gifts used in the exchange of goods can involve valuable items of material culture, such as knives and weapons, as well as women and cash money.
The Fulong or Bong Fulong if often required to utilize his own personal wealth in order to satisfy the aggrieved party and settle the dispute. By utilizing his own wealth in order to settle another men's debt, the traditional leader is again increasing his personal network of obligation/ debt relationship and eventually increasing his own personal wealth. The other party to the dispute will eventually be required to repay the kindness and generosity of the Fulong by repaying, in the form of service or material goods or cash money, the amount of the original dispute settlement, plus some additional gifts. The traditional leaders temporary material deficit will eventually result in an increase, which the debt is repaid, in his own person wealth and social status.
Sunggod or dowry is a bride price or bride wealth refers to money and or goods that are paid by the potential/ future groom/ husband and or the groom's family to the potential/ future bride/wife and or the wife's family.
In B'laan society, the future groom pays father of his future wife a specified amount. This amount consists of two necklaces (kamagi)or horse (kora) and carabao (calibew).
The monetary value of one horse in 10,000 pesos. The future groom pays also the father of his future wife on brass
gongs (falimak). It is part of B'laan (adet) customary law to envolve relatives in securing of dowry (songgod).
Some B'laan claimed that in times of economic difficulties
they would mortgage (sanla) their lands at for the dowry (songgod). Since they could not redeem the mortgage, they would
normally lose their lands by default. KASPALA was transacted purely in the basis of exchange of material goods. But with money
they also learned to mortgage (sanla) and sell their lands.
The selling of land did not happen immediately. At first,
they mortgaged their (kalyak) material goods they mortgage
their carabao and horse. Then when their carabao and horse
were gone, they dispensed of their land, either through mortgage or sale. Economic difficulties were the predominant motive for material goods or animal/ land disposition. Economic
difficulties arose, as previously noted, when money was required for the payment of dowry.
It was noted that land was occasionally acquired through marriage. In this instance, however, land has been lost through or an account of the payment of dowry or( songgod) bride price/wealth in marriage negotiation.
DISPUTE SETTLEMENT/ RESOLUTION-(Kaspala)...
The term KASPALA can be used to refer to a traditional meeting of B'laan elders, a gift exchange ceremony and finally dispute settlement/ resolution. The term Kaspala in the B'laan language seems to have a three fold meaning, depending upon the context in which it is used. The three meaning, however, all seems to be combined within the process known as dispute settlement or dispute resolution. The term also implied a type of friendship or brotherhood pact, formed through the process of and as a result of dispute settlement/ resolution.
Dispute arising between two individuals, usually males, are brought before the traditional leader, either the Fulong or Bong Fulong. After hearing the details of the dispute, the traditional leader will usually decide upon some form of compensation, which is to be paid or given in the form of gifts to the aggrieved party. An example of gifts, which not only serves as compensation but symbolizes the renewed good will between the parties involved in the dispute, usually takes place. The gifts used in the exchange of goods can involve valuable items of material culture, such as knives and weapons, as well as women and cash money.
The Fulong or Bong Fulong if often required to utilize his own personal wealth in order to satisfy the aggrieved party and settle the dispute. By utilizing his own wealth in order to settle another men's debt, the traditional leader is again increasing his personal network of obligation/ debt relationship and eventually increasing his own personal wealth. The other party to the dispute will eventually be required to repay the kindness and generosity of the Fulong by repaying, in the form of service or material goods or cash money, the amount of the original dispute settlement, plus some additional gifts. The traditional leaders temporary material deficit will eventually result in an increase, which the debt is repaid, in his own person wealth and social status.
Tuesday, March 22, 2011
....."B'LAAN ECONOMIC STRUCTURES"......
.......Economic Structures......
Some contemporary B'laans believe that the practice of Kaingin (swidden or slash and burn) started in the past, when the vast plains and mountains were theirs for the taking. They could afford to leave one place after harvest and allow natural vegetation to re-grow. They rely on the notion that kaingin provides for a fertilized farm, as the ashes of burnt foliage serve as nutrition for the soil.
The Tribal Filipino being kaingin (swidden or slash and burn) farmers who must move from place to place within a defined are, and who also depend on the forest, rivers and fauna for their livelihood. A groups agreed that occupying and cultivation are the main conditions for ownership of the land with regards to vacate the land, the prior cultivator still had some ownership rights, in that his permission was required before another could cultivate the area. However, the fruit of trees planted by the former cultivators still belong to him. All respondents agreed that there is no time limit in the rights of prior cultivators. Among the B'laan, the right is passed on the relations of the prior cultivator in event of his death, Land ownership and customary laws.
Agriculture is considered to be the predominant form of highland B'laan economic subsistence. Corn or agol has become the primary crop. However, other forms of agricultural produce, such as camote or kasila kayo and atboli (two varieties of sweet potatoes) and also cultivated.
Kaingin (swidden or slash and burn) ...method of farming, characterized by burning, the cutting after harvest, strips the land of its vegetation and diminished soil fertility. The land is abandoned after harvest.
Kaingin is unquestionably inter wined with the B'laans wandering way of life. Rice and corn are the first crops planted in the cycle, followed by camote or kasila and other root crops. They could afford to leave one place after harvest and allow natural vegetation to region. They rely on the notion that kaingin provides for a fertilized form, as the ashes of burnt foliage serve as nutrition for the soil.
At the time the man cut the trees and underbrush and after allowing them to dry, fire them. They also make the holes into which the women drop seed rice. Aside from clearing the land helping some what with the rice crops, the men seldom concern themselves with work in the field but leave the cultivation of corn, sweet potatoes (camote), tobacco, and the like to the women.
Preparation of the meals, care of the children, basket and mat making, weaving and decorations of clothing, taking up most of the time of the women when they are not engaged in the cultivation of the fields or in search of forest products.
To B'laan, the land is not a lifeless shell of rock and sand. Instead, it is a dynamic and animate creation that must be looked after, cared for and nurtured in order to ensure its continued survival of the life forms and spiritual ensure that coexist within its realms. The land, the trees, the wild life to the current generation of B'laan to be cared or "binantay banwu ne".
The B'laans henceforth, consider it unholy to claim ownership of nature, air, land, water, forests and etc. For them, land is a direct creation of God and cannot be owned by human beings. Man is allowed its use and should learn to utilized it properly. If not, M-fun Tana will destroy the land by earthquake or cause erosion and destruction of the soil. So, the B'laan will fill a piece of land for the production of food crops. After its use, the B'laan will return the land to the community and move to adjacent spots to repeat the same activity.
B'laans, with their limited technology and resources, estimate their average harvest at 120 sacks of corn per hectare when the weather is favorable with drought, harvest drops as low as to 70 sacks of corn yielding around 25 sacks of dried corn with each sacks weighing 50n kilos. Though the B'laans practice slash and burn agriculture, the commercial loggers systematically harvested the timber and other forest products scarcely
concerned about reforestation.
TRANSPORT.....B'laan often use pack horses to transport goods from the harvested areas to a trucking point or depot. Horsemen, who have been contracted to carry sacks of grain, are often seen along the trail. The average contract rate for a horseman is 35 per sack, with each horse carrying two sacks of grains. Occasionally caribaw are used to pull sleds, which have been loaded with sacks of grain. Where the truck used by the caribaw sleds meet the main road the sacks of grains are usually transferred unto truck for transport to the market center.
Landless is the primary problem of present day by the B'laans. Almost all land, once claimed as their hunting ground and farmlands, have became properties of christian settlers.
The B'laans are no longer nomadic and have gradually inhabited the land permanently. But they have driven to marginal land and step mountain sides. Economic subordination forced them to either flee to avoid interference in their ways or live the fringes of christian communities as tenants, farm workers and servants.
Of the past, there are resentments only regrets. As articulated by a B'laan leader of the mountain (bolul)."If we were only warned and told that in the elimination of our forests, we would ourselves be eliminated ..we would have stopped die loggers...but it is not too late.. we can still save what is left and perhaps give our children something better than what we now have". To the B'laans, countless promises were made and left unfulfilled. Nothing much the changed in their economic improvement even as they have embraced the christian cultures. The B'laan singular beliefs, however, have made their vulnerable to economic and political exploitation brought by christianization.
The B'laan, secure in their mountain domains, were unaware of the land laws. They were secluded and ignorant of the outside world. During the time, Mindanao had yet to be conquered. The B'laans were easily enticed by the settlers to tell their land for a few cans of sardines or a sack of rice or used clothes. Hence, the B'laans, were made strangers or squatters in their ancestral lands. The most sweeping of the encroachments on the territorial domain came with LOI no. 138 issued by the President F. Marcos on Oct.23. 1973. The law stipulated the determination of areas which should be served for logging reforestation, parks, wildlife sanctuaries. The original B'laan territorial domain therefore ceased to exist.
The commission warned that any attempt to further marginalize the B'laans right over their land would mean the possible eruption of a bloody war and of retaliation and violence. Bishop declared that, "anything that degrades or destroys or deprives cultural minorities of their habitat is inhuman". He further stressed the necessity to pursue "Liberating Education Towards Self Determination", for the B'laans in their right to survival as a distinct people and as human beings. A provision of the bill mandates the said congressional commission to identify and circumscribe territorial boundaries of ancestral domain. This peace pact is still religiously observed between and among the tribal Filipino in Mindanao.
For the B'laans peace, and harmony are primary prerequisites to community life. Of unity, the B'laans declared in the First Assembly of Lumad Mindanao. We shall unite with other tribes, and forgive our enemies through the Say- yandi because we want to live peacefully. This is for the sake of our old D'yande and the welfare of our generations. Thus, should be respected for whoever will trespass this pact shall be condemned or forsaken to death, by whole B'laan tribes.
The B'laan fundamental law, "Help your neighbor, do good and give rice- do not steel, do not kill (the innocent), predisposed peaceful co-existence among themselves and their neighbor. To the B'laans, the secret of long life is "good and righteous living- to do good, God grants long life. For the B'laan, the traditional culture crystallized their ethnic identity. Much to their disappointment and shattered dreams, the B'laan culture now stands at the threshold of extinction- a languishing society borne of integrating the old with the new.
Some contemporary B'laans believe that the practice of Kaingin (swidden or slash and burn) started in the past, when the vast plains and mountains were theirs for the taking. They could afford to leave one place after harvest and allow natural vegetation to re-grow. They rely on the notion that kaingin provides for a fertilized farm, as the ashes of burnt foliage serve as nutrition for the soil.
The Tribal Filipino being kaingin (swidden or slash and burn) farmers who must move from place to place within a defined are, and who also depend on the forest, rivers and fauna for their livelihood. A groups agreed that occupying and cultivation are the main conditions for ownership of the land with regards to vacate the land, the prior cultivator still had some ownership rights, in that his permission was required before another could cultivate the area. However, the fruit of trees planted by the former cultivators still belong to him. All respondents agreed that there is no time limit in the rights of prior cultivators. Among the B'laan, the right is passed on the relations of the prior cultivator in event of his death, Land ownership and customary laws.
Agriculture is considered to be the predominant form of highland B'laan economic subsistence. Corn or agol has become the primary crop. However, other forms of agricultural produce, such as camote or kasila kayo and atboli (two varieties of sweet potatoes) and also cultivated.
Kaingin (swidden or slash and burn) ...method of farming, characterized by burning, the cutting after harvest, strips the land of its vegetation and diminished soil fertility. The land is abandoned after harvest.
Kaingin is unquestionably inter wined with the B'laans wandering way of life. Rice and corn are the first crops planted in the cycle, followed by camote or kasila and other root crops. They could afford to leave one place after harvest and allow natural vegetation to region. They rely on the notion that kaingin provides for a fertilized form, as the ashes of burnt foliage serve as nutrition for the soil.
At the time the man cut the trees and underbrush and after allowing them to dry, fire them. They also make the holes into which the women drop seed rice. Aside from clearing the land helping some what with the rice crops, the men seldom concern themselves with work in the field but leave the cultivation of corn, sweet potatoes (camote), tobacco, and the like to the women.
Preparation of the meals, care of the children, basket and mat making, weaving and decorations of clothing, taking up most of the time of the women when they are not engaged in the cultivation of the fields or in search of forest products.
To B'laan, the land is not a lifeless shell of rock and sand. Instead, it is a dynamic and animate creation that must be looked after, cared for and nurtured in order to ensure its continued survival of the life forms and spiritual ensure that coexist within its realms. The land, the trees, the wild life to the current generation of B'laan to be cared or "binantay banwu ne".
The B'laans henceforth, consider it unholy to claim ownership of nature, air, land, water, forests and etc. For them, land is a direct creation of God and cannot be owned by human beings. Man is allowed its use and should learn to utilized it properly. If not, M-fun Tana will destroy the land by earthquake or cause erosion and destruction of the soil. So, the B'laan will fill a piece of land for the production of food crops. After its use, the B'laan will return the land to the community and move to adjacent spots to repeat the same activity.
B'laans, with their limited technology and resources, estimate their average harvest at 120 sacks of corn per hectare when the weather is favorable with drought, harvest drops as low as to 70 sacks of corn yielding around 25 sacks of dried corn with each sacks weighing 50n kilos. Though the B'laans practice slash and burn agriculture, the commercial loggers systematically harvested the timber and other forest products scarcely
concerned about reforestation.
TRANSPORT.....B'laan often use pack horses to transport goods from the harvested areas to a trucking point or depot. Horsemen, who have been contracted to carry sacks of grain, are often seen along the trail. The average contract rate for a horseman is 35 per sack, with each horse carrying two sacks of grains. Occasionally caribaw are used to pull sleds, which have been loaded with sacks of grain. Where the truck used by the caribaw sleds meet the main road the sacks of grains are usually transferred unto truck for transport to the market center.
Landless is the primary problem of present day by the B'laans. Almost all land, once claimed as their hunting ground and farmlands, have became properties of christian settlers.
The B'laans are no longer nomadic and have gradually inhabited the land permanently. But they have driven to marginal land and step mountain sides. Economic subordination forced them to either flee to avoid interference in their ways or live the fringes of christian communities as tenants, farm workers and servants.
Of the past, there are resentments only regrets. As articulated by a B'laan leader of the mountain (bolul)."If we were only warned and told that in the elimination of our forests, we would ourselves be eliminated ..we would have stopped die loggers...but it is not too late.. we can still save what is left and perhaps give our children something better than what we now have". To the B'laans, countless promises were made and left unfulfilled. Nothing much the changed in their economic improvement even as they have embraced the christian cultures. The B'laan singular beliefs, however, have made their vulnerable to economic and political exploitation brought by christianization.
The B'laan, secure in their mountain domains, were unaware of the land laws. They were secluded and ignorant of the outside world. During the time, Mindanao had yet to be conquered. The B'laans were easily enticed by the settlers to tell their land for a few cans of sardines or a sack of rice or used clothes. Hence, the B'laans, were made strangers or squatters in their ancestral lands. The most sweeping of the encroachments on the territorial domain came with LOI no. 138 issued by the President F. Marcos on Oct.23. 1973. The law stipulated the determination of areas which should be served for logging reforestation, parks, wildlife sanctuaries. The original B'laan territorial domain therefore ceased to exist.
The commission warned that any attempt to further marginalize the B'laans right over their land would mean the possible eruption of a bloody war and of retaliation and violence. Bishop declared that, "anything that degrades or destroys or deprives cultural minorities of their habitat is inhuman". He further stressed the necessity to pursue "Liberating Education Towards Self Determination", for the B'laans in their right to survival as a distinct people and as human beings. A provision of the bill mandates the said congressional commission to identify and circumscribe territorial boundaries of ancestral domain. This peace pact is still religiously observed between and among the tribal Filipino in Mindanao.
For the B'laans peace, and harmony are primary prerequisites to community life. Of unity, the B'laans declared in the First Assembly of Lumad Mindanao. We shall unite with other tribes, and forgive our enemies through the Say- yandi because we want to live peacefully. This is for the sake of our old D'yande and the welfare of our generations. Thus, should be respected for whoever will trespass this pact shall be condemned or forsaken to death, by whole B'laan tribes.
The B'laan fundamental law, "Help your neighbor, do good and give rice- do not steel, do not kill (the innocent), predisposed peaceful co-existence among themselves and their neighbor. To the B'laans, the secret of long life is "good and righteous living- to do good, God grants long life. For the B'laan, the traditional culture crystallized their ethnic identity. Much to their disappointment and shattered dreams, the B'laan culture now stands at the threshold of extinction- a languishing society borne of integrating the old with the new.
Monday, March 21, 2011
......"B'LAAN SACRED PLACES AND SPORTS".........
....Mountains, Hunting Grounds, Rivers, Springs, Tress, Burial ground and Sports......
Sacred places, referred to by the B'laan
as "Laga-fralonggamdono", are places watched
over by a spiritual entity or guardian spirit.
The names of sacred places, mountains, hunting
grounds, river,creeks, and waterfalls and the stories
that go with them, reveal an intimacy between the B'laan inhabitants and their physical environment. These places have also required a depth of significance in their mythico -religious traditions, something that does not normally happen as a result of brief occupancy. It is important to stress the association of La Sagum with the stories. La Sagum is a major character in creation stories of the B'laan people.
..*.MOUNTAINS- (Bolol)...
There are numerous known mountains in Fulo Bato (red stone).
The B'laan people says: If the mountains are destroyed, what will we plant, where will we go? It would hurt us so much. It would very painful for us. We could have millions of pesos but our mountains would disappear. Every time trees are cut down in the mountain, we need first to offer clothes and pray, but if we don't do this, spirit will get angry and we will be punished. I feel the pain of our mountains because our identity and culture will be destroyed.
Creation is a gift which is to be held in trust. There are right and responsibilities expressed in clearly understood sanctions exercised by spirits and God against humankind if these rights and responsibilities are violated. Sanctions can be imposed in the form of earthquakes, floods or other similar incidents.
*HUNTING GROUNDS-(Gumlok or Gume-uten)...
The known hunting grounds of the B'laan of
Fulo Bato, which also include those areas shared
with the B'laans. The rivers where the B'laan of
this region catch fish and other aquatic fauna.
HUNTING is a predominantly male activity, which has social, economic and recreational component. Hunting expedition, the men usually plan and prepare for the number of days they intend to reside in the forest ensuring an adequate supply of ammunition, foods and hunting dogs for the expedition.
In the past, the bow (bahol) and arrow (fana) was predominantly used to hunt Deer (slarong) and wild pig (lablab). In the contemporary context, however, home made shot guns are commonly used for hunting. Birds (anok takayo) and wild chicken (anuk) are hunted with the use of a sailed split cane (co-es), which has been brushed with a sticky resin. Bow guns were also used to hunt birds and monkeys but have been replaced by guns. Children still use bow guns to hunt birds.
SUKOT SLARONG...Horn of Deer.....
*RIVER, CREEK, SPRING, and WATERFALLS- (E-el)...
The river and creek in Folu Bato (red stone),
required its name because La Sagum allegedly
washed her red shirt (Langanay Folu) at the
krosing or the junction of Folu Bato. At the
same time, she also washed her garment made
from white abaca cloth. The result was that the
water at the Folu Bato side of the river turned red,
leaving the reddish color in the stones. The stories
at the Altayan side became white. Since then, no
local fish (f-nait) variety, or any other fish, swim
into Folu Bato river.
The Fulo Bato creek is the most significant of all the creeks in Fulo Bato Bong Banwu. The creek is named after the red colors of the stones in the water cause and the Bon Banwu derives its name from the major creek system.
*SACRED TREES- (Kaya)...
In the B'laan language, the term kaya is refer
to a tree. Tree is considered to be sacred among the
highland B'laan. Among the highland B'laan, it is
believed that the spiritual spirits or guardian spirits
inhabit these trees. If however, it becomes absolutely
necessary to cut down a sacred tree, a prayer may be
said to appease the guardian spirit of the tree. The person
who is about to cut down the sacred tree addresses the
guardian spirit by saying, Please, I am going to cut this
tree down. Would you please leave this tree and live
in another bad tree? It is hoped that upon hearing the prayer, the guardian spirit will vacate the sacred tree without seeking revenge on the tree cutter. An offering to the guardian spirit of the tree, some coins or beads from heirloom necklace (kamagi) are placed
at the base of the tree. After leaving the prayer and receiving the offerings, the guardian spirit is likely to vacate the sacred tree. It is believed that some sacred trees are always left unoccupied, so that guardian spirits can transfer between trees if other tree is destroyed or chopped down.
BAD TREE ALONG BOUNDARY POINT.......
A bad tree starts its life as a very small vine. The vine grows over other trees until the host withers and dies. The bad tree then becomes a tree. Bad tree are considered by the B'laan as very significant. When the bad tree grows into a large tree, it is believed to have a fon bad. The literal translation of fon is owner, therefore from bad means owner of the bad tree. Every fully grown bad has a fon, residing in the tree. Fon bad or bad owner are generally benevolent and are interpreted as meaning a shade/ spirit or essence of the bad tree. Bad tree are also used by B'laan hunters as shade trees when hunting. There are some bad trees where B'laan people have heard unusual sounds, such as B'laan musical instruments. This is interpreted by the B'laan that the fon of the bad tree is benevolent and that the fon bad may be a B'laan because it plays traditional B'laan musical instrument.
B'LAAN BURIAL GROUND.......
Funerary Rites, Practices and Beliefs......
The traditional rites and practices associated with death...
The evening following a death, the friends gather and throughout the night sing of virtues of the diseased and of their own sorrow. The body is placed on a mat in the center of the house and for three days is watched over by the relatives, who, during this time, obtain from music, dancing, shouting, or loud talking. The women cease from weaving and the men refrain from all labor. A breaking of this taboo would result in the certain death of the offender, for the spirit of the dead man is still near at hand and his sure to wreak his vengeance on those who show him disrespect. Finally, the body is wrapped in mats and is buried at some little distance from the house. All the people return to the dwelling, where the headman makes a cup out of leaves, having placed in it a narrow belt or strings, while all the men almost. This removes the ban, so that all the people can resume their regular occupations.
DISPOSING OF THE DEAD.....
Traditionally, the B'laan have several ways of disposing of their dead. Burial in the ground, hanging the corpse up in tree branches, inserting the cadaver into the trunk of a tree, abandoning the body in the house where the person died (the house is also abandoned), or just abandoning the body where the person died. In each case, there is the element of respect and/or love for the departed. There is also a fear that evil first may have brought about the death of their relative.
WAYS OF DISPOSING OF THE DEAD....
Burial of the B'laan often simply involves wrapping the dead in a rolled that, binding this with lu-es or rattan and burying it. In instances where the bereaved have no one to assist them, the dead is merely lift in the house where they died and the house and body are abandoned. It was explained that leaving the body alone in the house is an expression of love. Death is usually associated with tasu or bad luck/ bad spirits. This is often why the relatives of the declared abandon the house.
Some corpse, however, are merely tied several feet up a tree. This usually occurs when someone has been killed in a running battle in the forest. As a result, there was little time to look after the dead. In some instances, when time is very short (perhaps during an armed conflict) the body is just lift where it fell. In case where a coffin is prepared, the trunk of a sizable klato tree, which is preferred because of its softness, it cut and the inside is carved out. The body is then inserted into the carved out section of the tree trunk. Burial then followed......
B'LAAN SACRED/ GAMES/ ACTIVITIES....
Basketball, Horse Fighting, and Coin Toss Game,
*BASKETBALL...
In recent years, basket ball is becoming a popular
sport among the young highland B'laan men. Young
men seems to enjoy the competition and challenges
offered by the sport. Basketball is becoming increasing
popular throughout the highland region. Indeed, most
contemporary highland B'laan villages now possess a
basketball area /court.
*HORSE FIGHTING...
Among the male B'laan society, the horse(kora)
is valued, among its other uses, as a game or
sport animals. Horse fighting usually accompanies
festive occasion among the B'laan, such as s=wedding,
(samsong) and feast (safkaon), occasionally, horse
fighting are recognized as a special event, without the
accompaniment of other ceremonies. Horse are
assessed on the basis of ability, strength, wildness,
and age. Horse which excel in these categories are
usually a source of great pride and prestige for their owners. A good horse also commands a higher market value and may be exchanged for cash and/ or other desired goods.
*COIN TOSS GAME- (Hantak/ Stalong)...
The B'laan play coin toss game that might be
described as three highland B'laan play a coin
toss game that night be described as toss up.
Hantak or stalong, which is played by groups of
men, women and children, involves the tossing of
the three coins. The three coins fall in combination
of heads or tails. The person who either tosses or
wagers on the different coin face, either heads or tails
is deemed to be winner. The winner then collects the
wagers that have been placed on the results of each
round of the coins toss game. The wagers, however,
usually consists of small denominations of cash money.
One peso Philippine coins are usually used in the coin
toss games. The coin toss game was introduced to the
highland B'laan region by Visayans. In spite of its
relatively recent introduction the popularity of the
game among the highland B'laan seems to be increasing.
Sacred places, referred to by the B'laan
as "Laga-fralonggamdono", are places watched
over by a spiritual entity or guardian spirit.
The names of sacred places, mountains, hunting
grounds, river,creeks, and waterfalls and the stories
that go with them, reveal an intimacy between the B'laan inhabitants and their physical environment. These places have also required a depth of significance in their mythico -religious traditions, something that does not normally happen as a result of brief occupancy. It is important to stress the association of La Sagum with the stories. La Sagum is a major character in creation stories of the B'laan people.
..*.MOUNTAINS- (Bolol)...
There are numerous known mountains in Fulo Bato (red stone).
The B'laan people says: If the mountains are destroyed, what will we plant, where will we go? It would hurt us so much. It would very painful for us. We could have millions of pesos but our mountains would disappear. Every time trees are cut down in the mountain, we need first to offer clothes and pray, but if we don't do this, spirit will get angry and we will be punished. I feel the pain of our mountains because our identity and culture will be destroyed.
Creation is a gift which is to be held in trust. There are right and responsibilities expressed in clearly understood sanctions exercised by spirits and God against humankind if these rights and responsibilities are violated. Sanctions can be imposed in the form of earthquakes, floods or other similar incidents.
*HUNTING GROUNDS-(Gumlok or Gume-uten)...
The known hunting grounds of the B'laan of
Fulo Bato, which also include those areas shared
with the B'laans. The rivers where the B'laan of
this region catch fish and other aquatic fauna.
HUNTING is a predominantly male activity, which has social, economic and recreational component. Hunting expedition, the men usually plan and prepare for the number of days they intend to reside in the forest ensuring an adequate supply of ammunition, foods and hunting dogs for the expedition.
In the past, the bow (bahol) and arrow (fana) was predominantly used to hunt Deer (slarong) and wild pig (lablab). In the contemporary context, however, home made shot guns are commonly used for hunting. Birds (anok takayo) and wild chicken (anuk) are hunted with the use of a sailed split cane (co-es), which has been brushed with a sticky resin. Bow guns were also used to hunt birds and monkeys but have been replaced by guns. Children still use bow guns to hunt birds.
SUKOT SLARONG...Horn of Deer.....
*RIVER, CREEK, SPRING, and WATERFALLS- (E-el)...
The river and creek in Folu Bato (red stone),
required its name because La Sagum allegedly
washed her red shirt (Langanay Folu) at the
krosing or the junction of Folu Bato. At the
same time, she also washed her garment made
from white abaca cloth. The result was that the
water at the Folu Bato side of the river turned red,
leaving the reddish color in the stones. The stories
at the Altayan side became white. Since then, no
local fish (f-nait) variety, or any other fish, swim
into Folu Bato river.
The Fulo Bato creek is the most significant of all the creeks in Fulo Bato Bong Banwu. The creek is named after the red colors of the stones in the water cause and the Bon Banwu derives its name from the major creek system.
*SACRED TREES- (Kaya)...
In the B'laan language, the term kaya is refer
to a tree. Tree is considered to be sacred among the
highland B'laan. Among the highland B'laan, it is
believed that the spiritual spirits or guardian spirits
inhabit these trees. If however, it becomes absolutely
necessary to cut down a sacred tree, a prayer may be
said to appease the guardian spirit of the tree. The person
who is about to cut down the sacred tree addresses the
guardian spirit by saying, Please, I am going to cut this
tree down. Would you please leave this tree and live
in another bad tree? It is hoped that upon hearing the prayer, the guardian spirit will vacate the sacred tree without seeking revenge on the tree cutter. An offering to the guardian spirit of the tree, some coins or beads from heirloom necklace (kamagi) are placed
at the base of the tree. After leaving the prayer and receiving the offerings, the guardian spirit is likely to vacate the sacred tree. It is believed that some sacred trees are always left unoccupied, so that guardian spirits can transfer between trees if other tree is destroyed or chopped down.
BAD TREE ALONG BOUNDARY POINT.......
A bad tree starts its life as a very small vine. The vine grows over other trees until the host withers and dies. The bad tree then becomes a tree. Bad tree are considered by the B'laan as very significant. When the bad tree grows into a large tree, it is believed to have a fon bad. The literal translation of fon is owner, therefore from bad means owner of the bad tree. Every fully grown bad has a fon, residing in the tree. Fon bad or bad owner are generally benevolent and are interpreted as meaning a shade/ spirit or essence of the bad tree. Bad tree are also used by B'laan hunters as shade trees when hunting. There are some bad trees where B'laan people have heard unusual sounds, such as B'laan musical instruments. This is interpreted by the B'laan that the fon of the bad tree is benevolent and that the fon bad may be a B'laan because it plays traditional B'laan musical instrument.
B'LAAN BURIAL GROUND.......
Funerary Rites, Practices and Beliefs......
The traditional rites and practices associated with death...
The evening following a death, the friends gather and throughout the night sing of virtues of the diseased and of their own sorrow. The body is placed on a mat in the center of the house and for three days is watched over by the relatives, who, during this time, obtain from music, dancing, shouting, or loud talking. The women cease from weaving and the men refrain from all labor. A breaking of this taboo would result in the certain death of the offender, for the spirit of the dead man is still near at hand and his sure to wreak his vengeance on those who show him disrespect. Finally, the body is wrapped in mats and is buried at some little distance from the house. All the people return to the dwelling, where the headman makes a cup out of leaves, having placed in it a narrow belt or strings, while all the men almost. This removes the ban, so that all the people can resume their regular occupations.
DISPOSING OF THE DEAD.....
Traditionally, the B'laan have several ways of disposing of their dead. Burial in the ground, hanging the corpse up in tree branches, inserting the cadaver into the trunk of a tree, abandoning the body in the house where the person died (the house is also abandoned), or just abandoning the body where the person died. In each case, there is the element of respect and/or love for the departed. There is also a fear that evil first may have brought about the death of their relative.
WAYS OF DISPOSING OF THE DEAD....
Burial of the B'laan often simply involves wrapping the dead in a rolled that, binding this with lu-es or rattan and burying it. In instances where the bereaved have no one to assist them, the dead is merely lift in the house where they died and the house and body are abandoned. It was explained that leaving the body alone in the house is an expression of love. Death is usually associated with tasu or bad luck/ bad spirits. This is often why the relatives of the declared abandon the house.
Some corpse, however, are merely tied several feet up a tree. This usually occurs when someone has been killed in a running battle in the forest. As a result, there was little time to look after the dead. In some instances, when time is very short (perhaps during an armed conflict) the body is just lift where it fell. In case where a coffin is prepared, the trunk of a sizable klato tree, which is preferred because of its softness, it cut and the inside is carved out. The body is then inserted into the carved out section of the tree trunk. Burial then followed......
B'LAAN SACRED/ GAMES/ ACTIVITIES....
Basketball, Horse Fighting, and Coin Toss Game,
*BASKETBALL...
In recent years, basket ball is becoming a popular
sport among the young highland B'laan men. Young
men seems to enjoy the competition and challenges
offered by the sport. Basketball is becoming increasing
popular throughout the highland region. Indeed, most
contemporary highland B'laan villages now possess a
basketball area /court.
*HORSE FIGHTING...
Among the male B'laan society, the horse(kora)
is valued, among its other uses, as a game or
sport animals. Horse fighting usually accompanies
festive occasion among the B'laan, such as s=wedding,
(samsong) and feast (safkaon), occasionally, horse
fighting are recognized as a special event, without the
accompaniment of other ceremonies. Horse are
assessed on the basis of ability, strength, wildness,
and age. Horse which excel in these categories are
usually a source of great pride and prestige for their owners. A good horse also commands a higher market value and may be exchanged for cash and/ or other desired goods.
*COIN TOSS GAME- (Hantak/ Stalong)...
The B'laan play coin toss game that might be
described as three highland B'laan play a coin
toss game that night be described as toss up.
Hantak or stalong, which is played by groups of
men, women and children, involves the tossing of
the three coins. The three coins fall in combination
of heads or tails. The person who either tosses or
wagers on the different coin face, either heads or tails
is deemed to be winner. The winner then collects the
wagers that have been placed on the results of each
round of the coins toss game. The wagers, however,
usually consists of small denominations of cash money.
One peso Philippine coins are usually used in the coin
toss games. The coin toss game was introduced to the
highland B'laan region by Visayans. In spite of its
relatively recent introduction the popularity of the
game among the highland B'laan seems to be increasing.
Sunday, March 20, 2011
....."B'LAAN CULTURAL VALUES AND EMERGING REALITIES"......
...Religious, Spiritual, Mythological Belief, medicine and Dreams.....
The B'laan culture is peculiarly fascinating in the differentiation of patterns that totally continue its psycho dynamics. The extent of practice rests in cultural homogeneity, the interaction of the B'laan with other ethnic groups or the christian culture. In this respect the elder B'laans are more cohesive in their ways and the young, greatly influenced by outside elements, traditional beliefs and value systems other impede or enhance developmental possibilities depending on the strategic interplay of factors in the environment, socio economic, political technological and etc. Culture change as also affected by geography and physical conditions. The following are cultural values of major impact to the B'laan existing way of life and the road ahead for them.
B'laan religious belief and practice range between customs and traditions directly associated with the established christian churches in the areas to highly traditional animistic beliefs which encompass both natural and supernatural elements from the environment in which they live. Evidence of syn-creation of christian and traditional B'laan beliefs and practice appear evident in some instance; many similarities between the following indigenous creation myth and the Biblical account of creation can be seen.
According to the B'laan myth or legend about creation, the first man (To) was created by God (Dawata). One day, lightning flashed in the sky and the heaven were shaken and the rains fill and watered the face of the earth, from the wet ground. God (Dawata) molded the first man, but God saw that man was tough and rugged and decided to make another one. He again took a portion of the ground and mold it and mold a finer and fairer one and was created the first woman from the two, all tribes descended.
The B'laan believe in the existence of a supreme being known as God (Dawata). He is the planters (Mele) of heaven (langit) and earth (tana) and everything thereof. Under Him and other supernatural beings with lower ranks of power or authority- the guardian spirit (L'nilong). To the B'laans nature is entrusted for safekeeping. The guardian spirit are not creator, since creator belong to God. As guardians (snalig), they are often referred as the owner of nature (M-fun). Thus, there is the owner of the sea (M'fun mabin), with owner of the forests (M'fun D'lag), God is the creator and the guardian spirit are guardians and man as the user (occupier).
One B'laan explain.....The highest spirit is God (Dawata). The Lord when we praise, take mercy on us and make us healthy. God is his name. God is God. God is the strongest of them all. He is higher than them all. He is good, we all pray to him and he help us. His children will get angry with us, but he created everything. He created everything when he come down from heaven (langit). Heaven is God's place where there are many houses..
MEDICINE, MAGIC, AND SORCERY....
An almo-as is a healer or magic person
who is capable of communicating with spirits
of the dead and with various other spiritual entities. It explained that among the highland
B'laan, a class of almo-os, consisting of older
women, functioned as mabalian among the
Bagabo. The almo-os have considerable influence
with all the spirits, but they are particularly close
to the spirit of the dead (almogol). An almo-os
can summon a busau or evil spirit in order to
inflict harm in a particular person. Busau are a class of spirit, often ill-disposed towards men,
who live in various parts of the mountain. Almo-os is composed mostly of middle aged women
who are in close communication with the spirit and who conduct ceremonies to aid in the cure of the sick, to secure good crops, or to thank the higher beings/ guardian spirit for their help and watchfulness. The role of witch, sorcerer (busau mnung) is considered to be
a hereditary position. However, contemporary B'laan appeared fearful when discussing this subject. They were reluctant to reveal if anyone had either inherited this position or was currently believe to be a busau mnung.
The B'laan believe that everything in nature including tree, rock,river and all natural features
is owned and guarded by a spirit. Thus, when a B'laan becomes sick, perhaps after returning home
from his alnigo, it is often concluded that the illness was the result of the actions of a spirit. Perhaps, B'laan sometimes assume, that this illness was the working of the spirit being who
owned the log that the man may have sat on, or the water where he drank. The healing process, therefore involves a ritual that is directed at placating or expelling the concerned spirit.
THE IMPORTANCE of DREAMS and DREAMING........
The term dreams and dreaming refers to the common, usually succession of images and or ideas that occur in the mind during sleep. The B'laan, like many other indigenous cultures, believe in the reality and efficacy of dreams. Dreams are not insignificant images that an individual can choose to ignore. On the contrary , dreams are imbued with spiritual and mythic-religious meaning.
According to B'laan belief, during sleep, a person's spirit or soul can depart their mortal body and journey to distant places. While a person's spirit or soul is absent from their mortal body, another spirit may visit the person and communicate with them through the dream. An individuals dream is therefore, a vehicle or medium through which spiritual entities can communicate directly with human beings, namely the B'laan...
The B'laan culture is peculiarly fascinating in the differentiation of patterns that totally continue its psycho dynamics. The extent of practice rests in cultural homogeneity, the interaction of the B'laan with other ethnic groups or the christian culture. In this respect the elder B'laans are more cohesive in their ways and the young, greatly influenced by outside elements, traditional beliefs and value systems other impede or enhance developmental possibilities depending on the strategic interplay of factors in the environment, socio economic, political technological and etc. Culture change as also affected by geography and physical conditions. The following are cultural values of major impact to the B'laan existing way of life and the road ahead for them.
B'laan religious belief and practice range between customs and traditions directly associated with the established christian churches in the areas to highly traditional animistic beliefs which encompass both natural and supernatural elements from the environment in which they live. Evidence of syn-creation of christian and traditional B'laan beliefs and practice appear evident in some instance; many similarities between the following indigenous creation myth and the Biblical account of creation can be seen.
According to the B'laan myth or legend about creation, the first man (To) was created by God (Dawata). One day, lightning flashed in the sky and the heaven were shaken and the rains fill and watered the face of the earth, from the wet ground. God (Dawata) molded the first man, but God saw that man was tough and rugged and decided to make another one. He again took a portion of the ground and mold it and mold a finer and fairer one and was created the first woman from the two, all tribes descended.
The B'laan believe in the existence of a supreme being known as God (Dawata). He is the planters (Mele) of heaven (langit) and earth (tana) and everything thereof. Under Him and other supernatural beings with lower ranks of power or authority- the guardian spirit (L'nilong). To the B'laans nature is entrusted for safekeeping. The guardian spirit are not creator, since creator belong to God. As guardians (snalig), they are often referred as the owner of nature (M-fun). Thus, there is the owner of the sea (M'fun mabin), with owner of the forests (M'fun D'lag), God is the creator and the guardian spirit are guardians and man as the user (occupier).
One B'laan explain.....The highest spirit is God (Dawata). The Lord when we praise, take mercy on us and make us healthy. God is his name. God is God. God is the strongest of them all. He is higher than them all. He is good, we all pray to him and he help us. His children will get angry with us, but he created everything. He created everything when he come down from heaven (langit). Heaven is God's place where there are many houses..
MEDICINE, MAGIC, AND SORCERY....
An almo-as is a healer or magic person
who is capable of communicating with spirits
of the dead and with various other spiritual entities. It explained that among the highland
B'laan, a class of almo-os, consisting of older
women, functioned as mabalian among the
Bagabo. The almo-os have considerable influence
with all the spirits, but they are particularly close
to the spirit of the dead (almogol). An almo-os
can summon a busau or evil spirit in order to
inflict harm in a particular person. Busau are a class of spirit, often ill-disposed towards men,
who live in various parts of the mountain. Almo-os is composed mostly of middle aged women
who are in close communication with the spirit and who conduct ceremonies to aid in the cure of the sick, to secure good crops, or to thank the higher beings/ guardian spirit for their help and watchfulness. The role of witch, sorcerer (busau mnung) is considered to be
a hereditary position. However, contemporary B'laan appeared fearful when discussing this subject. They were reluctant to reveal if anyone had either inherited this position or was currently believe to be a busau mnung.
The B'laan believe that everything in nature including tree, rock,river and all natural features
is owned and guarded by a spirit. Thus, when a B'laan becomes sick, perhaps after returning home
from his alnigo, it is often concluded that the illness was the result of the actions of a spirit. Perhaps, B'laan sometimes assume, that this illness was the working of the spirit being who
owned the log that the man may have sat on, or the water where he drank. The healing process, therefore involves a ritual that is directed at placating or expelling the concerned spirit.
THE IMPORTANCE of DREAMS and DREAMING........
The term dreams and dreaming refers to the common, usually succession of images and or ideas that occur in the mind during sleep. The B'laan, like many other indigenous cultures, believe in the reality and efficacy of dreams. Dreams are not insignificant images that an individual can choose to ignore. On the contrary , dreams are imbued with spiritual and mythic-religious meaning.
According to B'laan belief, during sleep, a person's spirit or soul can depart their mortal body and journey to distant places. While a person's spirit or soul is absent from their mortal body, another spirit may visit the person and communicate with them through the dream. An individuals dream is therefore, a vehicle or medium through which spiritual entities can communicate directly with human beings, namely the B'laan...
......"B'LAAN MUSICAL INSTRUMENT, MUSIC, DANCE AND SONG".....
.....B'laan Dance-(Maral)......
The B'laan Dance ceremony is often performed when the authority of the Datu (Fulong) has been held in trust and marital status to assume the responsibility of the Datu (Fulong). B'laan Dance
(maral) is conducted when a Fulong decides to pass the status of Fulong in his son. These ceremonies, which formally recognized the power, authority, status and prestige of the new Fulong. The occasion of
great celebration, attended be Fulong and datus from all the surrounding of the community (Banwu). Ceremonies
and occasion of great celebration, endowed by traditional dancing (maral) and the music of gongs and guitar (Fag-lung).
During the ceremonies the Fulong and other is dressed in traditional clothing with matching necklace (kamagi). Men and women has been dancing during the ceremonies.
*B'LAAN GUITAR-(Fag-lung)....
Guitar(Fag-lung) which is primary
used as musical
instrument and used in accompany with dance during marriage ceremony and other occasions. It produces sound of music of the rhythm of ancient . It is made of carve wood with two strings.
Men and women used guitar during
the occasions.
*GONGS-(Falimak)
Gongs, however are not only an important source of music at B'laan wedding and other ceremonies, but also an instrument by which a man's wealth and status with B'laan society are treasured.The more gongs that a man is able to obtain, the greater the man's wealth and status within B'laan society. Three large gongs, can be
used to pay the bride the dowry to the family
of potential future wife.
SAKTED....Refers to a song which is dedicated to the guardian spirits (su-we and (fiyu-we). The following chant proceeds the prayer:
Akfu---bu-na sumong ba-lah (chest, upper head, head, lips, shoulder).
Alwa---bala kaf-nga ye (second shoulder, Amen).
Kamdum gami ye-isin (thank you very much to all mother of guardian spirit).
AL-MIGEG....which literally means singing also refers to a prayer which is chanted for a successful harvest. This prayer is directed to the guardian spirit who is the spouse of melu (malawngin), applicable to all types of harvest crops.
The B'laan Dance ceremony is often performed when the authority of the Datu (Fulong) has been held in trust and marital status to assume the responsibility of the Datu (Fulong). B'laan Dance
(maral) is conducted when a Fulong decides to pass the status of Fulong in his son. These ceremonies, which formally recognized the power, authority, status and prestige of the new Fulong. The occasion of
great celebration, attended be Fulong and datus from all the surrounding of the community (Banwu). Ceremonies
and occasion of great celebration, endowed by traditional dancing (maral) and the music of gongs and guitar (Fag-lung).
During the ceremonies the Fulong and other is dressed in traditional clothing with matching necklace (kamagi). Men and women has been dancing during the ceremonies.
*B'LAAN GUITAR-(Fag-lung)....
Guitar(Fag-lung) which is primary
used as musical
instrument and used in accompany with dance during marriage ceremony and other occasions. It produces sound of music of the rhythm of ancient . It is made of carve wood with two strings.
Men and women used guitar during
the occasions.
*GONGS-(Falimak)
Gongs, however are not only an important source of music at B'laan wedding and other ceremonies, but also an instrument by which a man's wealth and status with B'laan society are treasured.The more gongs that a man is able to obtain, the greater the man's wealth and status within B'laan society. Three large gongs, can be
used to pay the bride the dowry to the family
of potential future wife.
SAKTED....Refers to a song which is dedicated to the guardian spirits (su-we and (fiyu-we). The following chant proceeds the prayer:
Akfu---bu-na sumong ba-lah (chest, upper head, head, lips, shoulder).
Alwa---bala kaf-nga ye (second shoulder, Amen).
Kamdum gami ye-isin (thank you very much to all mother of guardian spirit).
AL-MIGEG....which literally means singing also refers to a prayer which is chanted for a successful harvest. This prayer is directed to the guardian spirit who is the spouse of melu (malawngin), applicable to all types of harvest crops.
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